Welsh Journals

THE MIND OF THE MINER I. Pthe average Britisher, the Welsh miner is an enigma. His almost revolutionary conduct during recent years and his apparent indifference to the national interest have greatly bewildered, not only the man in the street but the ablest and most experienced journalists in the country, men skilled in the analysis of character, and in the interpretation of their observations and studies to the great British public. I have fraternised freely with newspaper representatives during periods of industrial turmoil in the South Wales coalfields, and have heard and read with amusement-and often with amazement- their attempts to explain the actions of the men and to fathom the motives which inspire those actions. Only in a few instances have these expert observers caught even a glimmering of the truth, and as the man in the street derives his knowledge of the Welsh miner from the columns of his favourite paper it is scarcely surprising that his notions are often of the most grotesque character. Even in the coalfield itself the miner is often misunderstood, and it is certain that only a small proportion of the population appreciate the industrial and political movements which play so important a part in the life of the community. In this short series of articles it is proposed to indicate briefly some of the essential features of Welsh mining developments, and to show what bearing these have on the activities of the miners' unions. South Wales is the industrial storm centre of Great Britain. The Welsh miner is always in the van of Trade Union progress what he suggests to-day, his comrades in other coalfields adopt to- morrow. Most of the great movements that have agitated the minds of miners during recent years have either been originated in South Wales or have derived from South Wales their greatest support. As examples of these may be mentioned the demands for the greater safety of miners, the eight-hours' day, and, most conspicuous of all, the minimum wage. South Wales also leads in wage agitations, and the higher standards that have been established here have much to do in setting on foot wage agitations in other coalfields. What are the reasons for the progressiveness of the South Wales miners ? In the first place there is the advantage that arises from the superior quality of the coal. The steam coals of this coalfield are practically indispensable for naval and certain other purposes, and this indispensa- bility enables the men to enforce their demands in a manner which would not otherwise be possible. A particularly striking instance of this was seen in the case of the great strike last year. It is doubtful whether such a strike would have succeeded in most other British coalfields. The strategic position in which the Welsh miner is placed tends to develop a militant spirit, and each success increases his appetite for industrial conquest. National characteristics also account for much. The South Wales miner is a Celt, and his Celtic fire and enthusiasm cause him to fight with earnestness and vigour against what he believes to be injustice, and he does not scruple at times to resort to more or less extreme and violent means to attain his ends. It is significant that his leaders have far greater difficulty in restraining him from strikes. even when only trifling issues are in- volved, than in persuading him to take these extreme measures. The Welshman loves a strike as an Irishman loves a row. Recent strikes, however, have been directed more purposefully than was formerly usual, and it is plain that mass opinion is to-day better informed and more class-conscious than was hitherto the case. This new aspect is ominous for capitalism. In days gone by the miners' officials led the men how and where they liked. Men of the Mabon type dominated the coalfield. Those days are rapidly passing away. Giants cease to count, because the mass standard has been raised, and the men are nearly as capable as their leaders of appreciating the issues which are at stake as be- tween employers and employed. This charge must be attributed to the spread of popular education. The first-fruits of the Education Act of 1870 are now being reaped. The elementary schools have equipped working colliers with the weapons for acquiring knowledge and mental training. All the men do not use the weapons effectively many of them. however, do, and all are able to understand proposals sub- mitted to them by those of their comrades who are better favoured than themselves. The miners' agent is not now far removed in point of ability and attainments from the rank and file often, indeed, he is inferior in every respect to many of the men whom he represents. As a result, Trade Union policy is not now, as was the case in former days, formulated entirely by officials more and more the rank and file are asserting themselves, and the day may not be far distant when miners' leaders will cease to lead, but will confine themselves solely to carrying out the instructions of the men. The influence of State education on miners' affairs has been effected mainly through the elemen- tary school the more advanced grades have had but little to do with Trade Union development and activities. Few working colliers have attended secondary schools, and the intermediate system of