Welsh Journals

and over the Mediterranean Sea. The question whether this policy was genuinely Catalan or merely the result of the enterprise of the Aragonese Kings after the incorporation of the County of Barcelona to their crown, is still a subject of controversy in the Nationalist press, but in any case the geographical study of the Peninsula proves beyond doubt that Castile was more sharply separated by nature from Catalonia than from Portugal, towards the shores of which her rivers flow. Of all the Spanish languages, Catalan is second only to Castilian in its vitality. Valencian and Galician are hardly more than dialects or philological varieties of Catalan and Portuguese. But Catalan is a language of old literary standing, closely con- nected with the Langue d'Oc family, and cultivated now-a-days by a very successful school of poets, essayists, and playwrights. It is more widely and more generally spoken in Catalonia than any other of the three in their respective zones, and it shows no signs of making way for Castilian, in spite of the official, though by no means vexatious, protection which the latter enjoys. Last, but not least, the industrial and commercial prosperity of Catalonia far exceeds the average economic standard of the Peninsula. This pros- perity is due in the first place to natural advantages, such as the abundance of hydraulic power, the good quality of the land, and the possession of an excellent harbour on the Mediterranean. But there is no doubt that all these conditions have been turned to account by a very hard working, active, and enter- prising race. The Catalan is much more business- like than the average Spaniard, more active, less of a dreamer his views are generally narrower but clearer he is firmer in purpose, less generous, more practical, and seems to have developed qualities of efficiency perhaps at the expense of more attractive though less solid peninsular characteristics. However, neither the natural conditions of the country nor the abilities of the Catalan would have been sufficient assets for the building of Catalonian industry, had not the Spanish Government protected it with heavy duties. This consideration seems to have been overlooked by Catalan nationalists. It is perhaps the most striking difference between the Catalan case and all the other nationalist cases known in Europe, whether we take Ireland or Italia Irredenta or Poland or the Austrian Slavs. Whereas in all these cases the racial feud was generally accompanied at one period or another by economic oppression, Catalonia has always benefitted by specially advan- tageous laws, at the expense of the rest of the country. It cannot be denied that Spanish protectionism, studied mainly for Catalan requirements, was one of the chief causes of the loss of the colonies. In view of this fact, it is particularly interesting to recall that Catalan nationalism, in its modern acute form, began with the period of inner reconstruction of the Spanish national mind, when the shock of the Spanish-American War drove away, like ghosts, all the empty political values of the XIXth. century. While, in Madrid, a group of singularly able intel- lectuals took up the task of drawing the bitter lessons of the defeat, from a theoretical and peninsular point of view, in Barcelona, the reaction of events followed the line of least resistence. In accusing central politicians of the Spanish collapse, nationalist Catalonia found an easy consolation for the past and a gratifying stimulus for the future. The practical outcome of this state of mind was a coalition of Catalan politicians of all parties, under the title of Solidaridad Catalana," which, nominally led by Nicolas Salmeron, ex-president of the Spanish Republic, strove to secure for Catalonia a minimum of self-government. This attempt at putting nationalism above other political and economical issues proved a failure, partly through the opposition of the Radical Group, an extreme republican party, which, in spite of its decidedly antinationalist tendencies, secured a firm grip over Catalonia under the able direction of Sr. Lerroux. But the Solidarist movement paved the way for a more attentive study of Catalan questions on the part of Spanish politi- cians, and ultimately led to the establishment of the Mancomunidad Catalana," an officially authorised federation of all Catalan municipalities on the lines of the French syndicat de communes," for the pooling of certain local services. This was the first timid step on the way to an official recognition of the existence of regions or nations within the state. The new weapon, however imperfect, was promptly seized by nationa- list institutions such as the powerful Lhga Nacionalista." The assembly of Catalan Muni- cipalities established permanent offices, and. under the able and partisan leadership of Senyor Prat de la Riba, turned its attention to educational problems, and in particular, to the study and propa- ganda of the Catalan language, and to the foundation of an agricultural school, destined to foster the farming education of Catalan peasants along with their nationalism. The evei-increasing demands of the permanent commission of the municipal assembly and its open and hidden efforts to develop the use of Catalan even in official documents, have raised in Madrid many an irate protest. Although the nationalist policy had