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Jones. On the literary side he has been for years the most brilliant exponent of historic nationalism in verse and prose. On the questions of Disestablishment and Land Reform he struggled bravely as long as he was a member of the House to realise the aspirations of Welsh democracy. A better nationalist than Mr. Towyn Jones, Mr. Williams has been a far less bellicose politician. He has had no responsibility for the religious persecution of the Quakers, he has strongly denounced the attacks made by militarism on civil liberty, he has above all opposed conscription. Mr. E. T. John is in some ways a stronger nationalist than is Mr. Llewelyn Williams. He has done more than any man living for Welsh Home Rule, and he desires to make of Wales a sovereign state within the Empire. According to Lord Hugh Cecil, he should be an extreme militarist. As a matter of fact his views on the war were, rightly or wrongly, too pacificist for Welsh Free Churchmen. And what is true of Wales is true of other small nationalities. Invariably the strongest supporters of extreme nationalist claims are found among the most religious and unselfish characters. And this brings me to the second point. Lord Hugh fails to solve the problem of nationality, because he pro- ceeds on the assumption that the forcible absorption of small into great communities makes for peace and civilisation. In fact it makes for neither. Such acts of violence as the partition of Poland, or the so-called Union effected between England and Ireland at the commencement of the nineteenth century are a violation both of the rights of nations and of the rights of man, and are condemned as much by the moral law of Christianity as by the principles of the French Revolu- tion. A just commonwealth cannot be founded on in- justice, and the Christian system of internationalism for which our author craves, cannot be founded on the oppression of nationalities. All arbitrary government of one nation by another is anti-Christian and morally wrong, the only possible excep- tion being the case of uncivilized tribes and the exception has no application to any European nation. The tyranny may vary very much in degree. For instance everyone must admit that English rule in Wales in modern times has been far less oppressive than most alien dominations. Yet the denial of self-government to the Welsh people has not only led to gross injustice in religious and agrarian questions; it has had a bad effect on the Welsh character, which has Yr Hwn gan ing fu'n chwysu Y gwaed yn ddafnau mawr, Y gwr fu gynt yn trengu Yng nghrog rhwng nef a Ilawr, Y corff fu gynt yn gorwedd Yn fud mewn dystaw fedd Sydd heddyw ar yr Orsedd Mewn gogoneddus wedd. Y Cadben mawr gyfododd Heb ofn, na braw, na brys, Adeiniog lu y nefoedd Clynnog. A'i dygent Ef i'w lys been refused free development. There may indeed be infinite gradations in the oppression, which an alien rule involves, but whether the opression is great or small, the words of the Irish poet remain true-" There never lived a nation yet that ruled another well." And this further fact must be remembered. Nationalism is an incalculable factor. In one age it may be quiescent, in another active. What statesman in the Congress of Vienna would have dreamed that in a century's time Bohemia would have been an independent State? How surprised would John Stuart Mill have been if he had been told that the twentieth century would witness a serious movement for Welsh Home Rule It was once thought that civilisation and education would sweep away national distinctions. On the contrary they have been strengthened. The Nationalist feeling may arise, as it arose in Bohemia, as a poetical and literary sentiment; it may, nevertheless, suddenly develop into a fierce political upheaval. Popular education and democratic government increase its power, and its developments baffle the shrewdest statesmen. Education and Christianity may be, and I think they are, the proper cure for the spirit of greed and materialism that find expression now in Imperialism, now in Bolshevism, but the story of the Tower of Babel remains in Holy Writ as an allegory to show that the unjust absorption of little nations in great states can only lead to strife and confusion. The true solution of the terrible problem which Lord Hugh Cecil has failed to solve lies, 1 believe, in the universal recognition of historical Nationalism as the dominant fact of civilisation. Let the right of self-determination be given freely to every people that desires it, and let the future unions of nations with nations, in other words, of Imperialism, take the form of voluntary partnerships. In such a system there would be a real chance for the realisation of Lord Hugh Cecil's dream. Nationalism is occasionally bellicose because it is too often in protest against injustice and tyranny; but Nationalism is not, as I have shown, essentially anti-Christian, as are its two chief enemies, Imperialism and Bolshevism. The Christian Inter- nationalism, for which Lord Hugh Cecil sighs, is the most desirable thing on earth, but a Christian Internationalism based, as he would base it, on the union of some half-dozen systems of Imperialism, is a contradiction in terms, for it would be based on injustice. When the full rights of every nationality in its own land are established, then and then only will a Christian Internationalism be possible and the end of war in sight. YR ADGYFODIAD Dyrchefwch, byrth, dyrchefwch, Agorwch ddrysau draw, A Brenin y gogoniant I'w ddwyfol lys a ddaw. Nid preseb ac nid croesau, Nid bedd na dirmyg mwy, Nid llefain cryf na dagrau, Nid chwys, na chlais, na chlwy Gogoniant ar ogoniant 'Rol dioddef is y nef, Anrhydedd ac addoliant A roddir iddo Ef. Robert Roberts.