Welsh Journals

WELSH NATIONALITY AND THE TUDORS* PROFESSOR Zimmern in his most recent work, "Nationality and Government," maintains that Nationality is essentially a social and not a political con- ception. His enthusiasm for the great State or Common- wealth, embracing diverse National groups, leads him to restrict Nationalism to social intercourse, wholly excluding it from the domain of politics. On the other hand, students of modern history, of the history of the nineteenth century in particular, find that social manifestations of Nationalism "always tend to issue in political aspirations and propaganda." The logic of nineteenth century history forces modern thinkers to treat Nationality as essentially a political principle, and to proclaim the right of every nation to be a State. The stress laid by these divergent theories on the social and political force of Nationality respectively should prove suggestive and helpful in the reading of Welsh history. The belief that Nationality is essentially a political fact may be held largely responsible for the popular fallacy that the history of Wales came to a. sudden and tragic close in the year 1282. The followers of the last Llywelyn could not have thought otherwise. Amid desolation and despair the knell of doom clangs through the poignant lament of Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch over the fallen Prince, canwyll tetjrnedd, cadarn llew Gwynedd: Och, hyd atad Dduw na ddaw-mor dros dir Pa beth y'n gedir i ohiriaw ? Nid oes le y cyrcher rhag carchar braw. Nid oes le y triger-och, o'r trigaw Nid oes na chyngor, na chlo, nac egor Unffordd i esgor brwyn gyngor braw. Looking back over the intervening period of six centuries Welshmen of to-day are in a favourable position to realize the restricted sense in which the year 1282 may be regarded as a terminus in Welsh history. Political Nationality was definitely extinguished. The King of England became the law giver and direct ruler of the Principality," armed with unlimited power. The Principality" was divided into six shires after the English pattern. The English shire system was set up with its hierarchy of Royal officials and local courts administering English law. But Llywelyn and his gallant predecessors had not lived and striven in vain. Welsh Nationality as a social principle showed little loss of vigour and activity after 1282. The tyranny and oppression practised by irresponsible Marcher Lords and hardly less irresponsible Royal officials frequently goaded the Welsh to revolt. But no deliberate or systematic effort was made to crush the social manifestations of Welsh Nationality. Even the custom of Gavelkind which required the equal division of the estate of a deceased land-holder among all his sons was sanctioned by Edward I. as being the basis of Welsh society. The Welsh language was in no way proscribed. Descendants of Welsh Princes and chieftains continued the tradition of generous patronage of Welsh *"The Making of Modern Walts," by W. Llewelyn Williams, K.C. London: Macmillan, Ltd. 6s. 336 pp. By E. Ernest Hughes, M.A. literature. The wandering bards were welcomed and applauded with no less enthusiasm than of old in castle, manor house and cottage alike. Within this period of political rightlessness falls the Golden Age of Welsh Literature when Welsh thought appears to have been directly and profoundly affected by Continental influences. Everywhere, alike in the Principality where English law was administered in the King's name and in the 140 Lordships Marcher, each with its own variety of customary law administered in the name of its own lord, the Welsh people had a common speech, a common stock of ideas, and a common fashion of life. Dafydd ab Gwilym heeded not such artificial divisions. His cywyddau serch wrought havoc in Cardigan, Monmouth and Anglesey indifferently. In his day he was the true representative of the unity of the Welsh people, and of Welsh nationality as a social fact. Happily for Wales the morbidly self-conscious Na- tionalism which has proved to be the bane of Modern Europe, never gained a strong hold upon the English people. It is a law of life and development in history runs Prince Bulow's well-known dictum, that where two national civilizations meet they fight for ascendancy." English culture made surprisingly little headway in Wales in the period of political nonage, 1282 to 1535. It was not backed by force systematically applied, while it encountered a national civilization that was living, vigorous and progressive. The transition from the Mediaeval to the Modern period in European history was marked by a series of great up- heavals in every sphere of human activity. The Mediaeval systems of life and thought, based upon authority and tradition and claiming unity and universality gave place to competitive, particularist and individualistic arrange- ments. The National State was the political mould which received, restrained and ordered these forces. The National King was armed with absolute power to fight the menace of anarchy and chaos "the new Messiah is the King." In the character of saviours of society the Kings of Western Europe developed the institution of the New Monarchy." The National State became the basis of a creed to which men freely subscribed with their life-blood. The safety and unity of the State represented paramount claims which over-rode all considerations of liberty, civil and religious. That was the real tyranny of the age. The era of self-conscious Nationality had dawned upon Europe. In England, the Tudors executed their commission with brilliant success. They were the greatest exponents of the art of Realpolitik in English history. Themselves the truest representatives of the new spirit, they gauged, with unerring instinct, the temper of their subjects. The exigent Nationalism of the age required the suppression of all religious divisions, legal diversities, administrative anomalies and national differences within the bounds of the National State as being dangerous to the unity and safety of the State.